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Socialism 2012 Conference: Save the Date!

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Save the Date!

Featured speakers:
Ali Abunimah • Arun Gupta • Ahmed Shawki • Boots Riley • China Miéville • Lance Selfa • Ian Angus • Jen Roesch • Martha Biondi • Sharon Smith • Dan Georgakas • Marvin Surkin • Dave Zirin • Paul D’Amato • Michael Schwartz • Marlene Martin • Richard Wolff • Nicole Colson • Sam Farber • Lee Sustar • Neil Davidson • David McNally • Charlie Post • Eric Ruder • Glenn Greenwald • Alan Maass • Michael Ratner • Liliana Segura • Beryl Satter • Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor • ...and many more

“A GLOBAL rebellion of the oppressed against the oppressor, the exploited against the exploiter.” That's how the African American revolutionary Malcolm X characterized the international scene shortly before he was assassinated in 1965—but the description is even more apt for today.

After years of devastation in the clutches of the Great Recession, masses of people are discovering their own power to change the world. The Arab Spring has given birth to a global movement of Occupiers and revived the politics of class struggle and revolution for the 21st century. Instead of the cutbacks, unemployment and repression that our rulers offer us, solidarity in struggle shows that “another world is possible.”

Each year, the Socialism conference brings together over 1,500 scholars and activists from around the country to learn OUR history of class struggle and debate strategies for building a better world. Don't miss this chance to meet hundreds of others like you; committed fighters against a system of greed, racism, war, and oppression.

Visit socialismconference.org to register or call (773) 583-7884. Free childcare is available.

March with the ISO Contingent: Protest the NATO Warmakers!

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Protest the NATO warmakers!
March with the International Socialist Organization contingent


This Sunday, join us at the mass protest against the NATO summit and march in the socialist contingent.

While the bureaucrats and leaders of the world's military industrial complex plan their strategies of war and occupation, we must make our voices heard in the streets.
We demand an end to the occupation of Afghanistan, which generates one atrocity after another, and the ongoing military actions in Iraq and elsewhere.

Meet us at the southeast corner of the Jackson St. entrance to Grant Park at 10:30am - look for ISO placards, banners, and Socialist Worker newspaper.

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Trayvon Martin & The Fight Against The New Jim Crow

Trayvon Panel flyer 3 1

Join us to discuss how we can continue to build a fight against the New Jim Crow.

Trayvon Martin
& the Fight Against the New Jim Crow

Grace Place Sanctuary

(637 S Dearborn St Chicago, IL)

 

Over the last several weeks tens of thousands of people across the United States have taken to the streets to demand justice for Trayvon Martin. These protests have revived a desperately overdue discussion about the persistence of racism and discrimination in American society.

We will continue to demand justice in this case, but we also know this case highlights the continuing war against Black America. From police brutality and corruption to mass incarceration- from the school to prison pipeline, to disproportionately high unemployment and home foreclosures; racism is alive and well in the United States.

A panel discussion with greetings from Trayvon's parents & featuring the following speakers...

Simeon Wright - cousin of Emmett Till and author of Simeon's Story: An Eyewitness Account of the Kidnapping of Emmett Till
Stephen Watts - father of Stephon Watts, 15 year old killed by Calumet City Police on February 1, 2012
Martinez Sutton - brother of Rekia Boyd, young woman killed by an off-duty Chicago police officer on March 21, 2012
Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor - columnist for SocialistWorker.org
The Rainbow PUSH Coalition
and more...

Co-Sponsored by Operation Rainbow PUSH, International Socialist Organization, Campaign to End the Death Penalty

 

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No Power Greater: Marxism & the Working Class

No power greater

Wednesday • April 18th • 7pm-9pm
Grace United Methodist Church
(3325 W Wrightwood Ave)

 

The Occupy Movement has brought class politics to the front and center of the national discussion about what is wrong with society, and how it can be changed. What do Marxists say about class? Who is in the working class, and why does it matter? Do unions still matter? How can workers organize today?

Please join this discussion, hosted by the Logan Square branch of the International Socialist Organization, to hash out these questions and more!

 

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Still Separate, Still Unequal: Racism, Class, and the Attack on Public Education

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Public Forum
Thursday, April 12th, 7pm-9pm

Two Locations:
Rogers Park • Many Peoples Church (1507 W. Morse Ave.)
Pilsen • Casa Aztlán (1831 S. Racine Ave.)

Public education is under an unprecedented attack. The powerful people who want to privatize our schools are using many different means: charter schools, mayoral control, high stakes standardized testing, school closures, merit pay and attacking teacher unions are all a part of this assault. Often, these "reformers" claim that the sweeping changes they want will bring genuine educational justice for communities that have long been underserved—especially for African American families. But will privatization actually create racial justice? Or will it exacerbate the problem? Will these "reforms" strengthen the educational rights of students and parents, or weaken them? Will turning education over to the free market lead to less segregated schools, or more so? Who is behind the effort to privatize education and why are they pursuing these changes? Is there an alternative way to reform our public schools? Come to a discussion of these and other urgent questions.

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Too Big to Pay • Loyola teach-in

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Tuesday • March 27th • 6:30pm

Loyola University Chicago (Lakeshore Campus) • Dumbach • Room 120

Most of today's graduates leave school with unpayable debts. Why is the system set up in this way? Join us for a short teach-in on the ins and outs of student debt!

 

We are Trayvon Martin!

 

Trayvon Martin protest

PROTEST

SATURDAY • March 24 • NOON-3PM

Daley Plaza

118 North Clark Street

 

On February 26, 17-year-old Trayvon Martin went to a store in Sanford, Fla., a suburb of Orlando, where he was visiting his father and his fiancé. He was walking back through the Retreat at Twin Lakes gated community when he was spotted by George Zimmerman, the self-appointed head of a neighborhood watch who would eventually shoot him after stalking him.

His body was taken to the medical examiner's office and listed as a John Doe. Authorities apparently never attempted to use Trayvon's cell phone to find out who he was--his father was still desperately calling 911 24 hours later to say that his son was missing.

The cops' apparent disregard for Trayvon after his death contrasted with their treatment of Zimmerman, who was released after questioning--because, police said, they had no evidence to disprove Zimmerman's self-defense claim. To this day, George Zimmerman has not spent a single minute in custody.

Come protest, let your voice be heard, and speak out against this senseless, bigoted crime. George Zimmerman, Trayvon's Killer, must be prosecuted! And if the government won't take action, it is up to us, the people, to force them into action!

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read Socialist Worker's coverage:
We have to win justice for Trayvon
Raising our voices for Trayvon

One down, one more to go

Why did the Obama administration move the Group of 8 summit scheduled for May in Chicago to Camp David. Eric Ruder looks at the factors involved.

President Obama at a recent press conference (Bob Nichols)

President Obama at a recent press conference (Bob Nichols)


THE OBAMA administration abruptly announced last week that the summit of the Group of Eight heads of state planned for May 19-20 would be moved from Chicago to Camp David in Maryland. It was a victory for activists who have been planning--in defiance of new measures designed to hamstring demonstrations--for protests against the G8 and the NATO military alliance, whose summit on May 20-21 will continue as planned.

According to news reports, even Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel--who was Obama's chief of staff before he became mayor--was caught off guard by the announcement. On the morning of March 5, Emanuel was still singing the praises of the upcoming G8 meeting, but by afternoon, the White House had moved the meeting and the Emanuel administration was left to put its best spin on the cancellation.

National Security Council Spokesman Tommy Vietor gave this explanation for the surprise move:

The President thought Camp David would provide an informal and intimate setting to have a free-flowing discussion with his fellow leaders. He very much looks forward to coming to his hometown for a critically important NATO summit as planned.

Yeah right.

Most media reports cited planned protests by unions, community groups, the Occupy movement and antiwar activists as a factor in the decision--and activists in Chicago were happy to bid the G8 farewell.

"One down, one to go," said Occupy Chicago activist John McDonald. "Our message to the G8 is that you can run, but you can't hide. We will march in our thousands on the weekend of your summit, and whether you're in Chicago or Camp David, we will stand against your agenda of stacking up profits for the 1 percent while forcing austerity down the throats of the 99 percent."

Chicago activists are moving ahead with plans for a permitted mass march the weekend of the summit and a People's Summit scheduled for a weekend earlier, on May 12-13. The People's Summit will bring together activists for plenaries, workshops and entertainment dedicated to putting forward a vision of a world without war and austerity.

The Obama administration announced its plan for a joint NATO/G8 summit in Chicago in the summer of 2011. The only other time that NATO and the G8 met at the same time and place was 35 years ago, in London in 1977.

The timing of the last year's announcement for the G8 and NATO meetings means that in all likelihood, planning for the joint summit began before the revolutionary upsurge in the Middle East, before the explosion of protest against Wis. Gov. Scott Walker's anti-union legislation, and certainly before the Occupy movement burst onto the scene.

As a consequence, the Obama administration hadn't counted on the level of mobilization that it had to anticipate if it had followed through on the plan to bring the G8 to Chicago--a city with a massive gap between rich and poor and history of social protest.

The decision to move the G8 summit to Camp David, a heavily guarded compound about 60 miles outside of Washington, D.C., thus marks a reversion to the usual script of holding such meetings in remote areas easily walled off from the rest of the world--and far from anywhere accessible to large numbers of protesters.

Nevertheless, after the Camp David meeting, six of the eight heads of state will make their way to Chicago in order to attend the NATO summit.

• • •

THE SAME week that the change of venue for the G8 was announced, Congress overwhelmingly passed the Federal Restricted Buildings and Grounds Improvement Act of 2011, which expands on existing federal law to make it a felony to enter into or remain in an area deemed "restricted" by security officials.

The bill sailed through the Senate unanimously, and in the House, the only three "no" votes were cast by Republicans.

The message couldn't be clearer: Democrats and Republicans alike will go to any lengths to ensure that institutions which act as enforcers for the global 1 percent can meet without fear of disruption--regardless of above the free speech rights of the 99 percent.

But this won't stop activists--in Chicago, across the country and around the world--from standing shoulder to shoulder to raise their voices against the NATO/G8 agenda of war and austerity.

Students come last at DePaul

Amanda Walsh and Carlos Enriquez report on actions by Chicago students angry about mounting student debt and proposed tuition increases at schools like DePaul.

Students and supporters occupy DePaul's student center
Students and supporters occupy DePaul's student center

PROTESTS BY Chicago college students for the national day of student action on March 1 culminated in actions at DePaul University to confront the administration's plans to put an even greater burden on students by increasing tuition.

The March 1 demonstrations began in Chicago with some 200 activists mobilized by the Coalition Against Corporate Higher Education (CACHE), a citywide coalition of students from different campuses.

Working with Occupy Chicago, the activists gathered at the "Horse" statue in Grant Park--the site of Occupy General Assemblies last fall--before marching to a nearby Chase Bank to protest the bank's involvement in the current national student debt bubble that recently eclipsed the $1 trillion mark.

From there, nearly 70 students and supporters moved on to an event planned in large part by the DePaul Anti-Capitalist Coalition (ACC). Protesters marched to the office of DePaul President Dennis Holtschneider to deliver a petition rejecting the university's proposed tuition hike of 2.5 percent for current students and more than 5 percent for incoming students.

After making students wait for nearly two hours, Holtschneider met with about 40, including Student Government Association President Anthony Alfano, who was present in Holtschneider's office when protesters first arrived.

ACC members opened the meeting with a list of demands: An immediate freeze on tuition; a series of public forums open to all students, faculty and staff before any decisions on tuition are made; and Holtschneider's retraction of his approval of the budget.

"The trustees don't work for me, I work for the trustees," responded Holtschneider. He went on to reject the protesters' demands and then left after 30 minutes.

"He was polite and cordial and put on a demeanor that made it seem like he wanted to help us, but I think he made it pretty evident that not a single one of our demands would be met, and that that didn't matter to him," said Jordan Weber, a DePaul student and ACC member. "He made a clear statement: the voice of the board of trustees comes before the voice of the student body."

Holtschneider's response prompted the students to refuse to leave the room until given a date and time for a public forum on tuition. Soon after, it was announced to the room that any non-DePaul student present past 6 p.m. would face arrest.

After getting word of a heavy police presence in the building's lobby, 20 non-DePaul students decided to leave the boardroom and hold a rally outside the building in support of the students occupying inside.

Around 8 p.m., the occupiers decided to end their sit-in in the office in order to focus on an action planned for the following day. They came out to warm support from more than 30 supporters chanting, "All for one, and one for all. Occupy DePaul!"

• • •

THE FOLLOWING night, students started arriving at DePaul's Lincoln Park Student Center for a speak-out. But it quickly became obvious that the Student Center was on lockdown. The doors were covered with "caution" tape, and no one was let inside without DePaul student identification. In fact, several DePaul students were not allowed inside because they did not have "proper identification."

Though the students were locked out, the speak-out was a success. Rev. Jesse Jackson started off the event by saying that students around the world need to demand tuition reductions and that such protests need to go viral.

After some time, about 30 students made their way to the third floor to sit in front of the room where the Board of Trustees was scheduled to meet the next day in order to vote on the new budget. DePaul officials had tried to keep the meeting location secret, but the location leaked out. At the same time, a few dozen supporters and members of Occupy Chicago held a rally to show solidarity with the students occupying the building.

The students were told they had to leave at 1 a.m. when the building closed. When asked what the consequences were for staying later, Dean of Students Art Munin could not provide an answer. A vote on whether to occupy the building overnight was roughly a 50/50 split.

A group of students decided to stay in the face of the unspecified threat of arrest or disciplinary action, and the administration blinked, allowing the 14 students there past curfew to stay overnight in the first floor atrium. Once in the atrium, the students set up sleeping gear provided by Occupy Chicago and had a discussion about producing a press statement for morning release. With the press release finished, many of the students tried to catch a few hours of sleep.

When Saturday morning rolled around, the administration announced that the board meeting had been moved to an undisclosed location. Security guards stopped checking identification at the doors, but no press was allowed inside.

The student activists decided to call the student government President Alfano to find out if he knew about the meeting location--since he was supposed to have speaking privileges there. Alfano explained that he was told that he would be picked up at his house in a private car and taken to the event.

Alfano texted the group when he arrived at the location to say that the administration had led him through a garage to a back door, and he could not identify where he was.

The group then decided to rally outside Holtschneider's office once more, and members read a statement that has since been transcribed by Occupy Chicago.

Since 2005, DePaul has increased tuition by 35 percent, and rates have risen more than 400 percent in the last 35 years. The average undergraduate at DePaul leaves the school with $28,000 in debt, and the average graduate student leaves with more than $50,000.

What's more, DePaul's refusal to make public the time and place of the board's vote, and then the decision to switch the venue at the last moment once it was leaked, go against the "Vincentian mission"--such as "philanthropy" and contributing to "the societal, economic, cultural and ethical quality of life in the metropolitan area"--that the institution prides itself on.

All this makes it clear that institutions like DePaul are more interested in running their schools like a corporation than in focusing on education in order to improve the lives of their students.

Uniting to fight school closures in Chicago

Parents and supporters speak to the press outside the Piccolo elementary school in Chicago (Lara Lindh | SW)

CHICAGO'S BOARD of Education will take a final vote February 22 on whether to close seven public schools and "turn around" 10 others.

The struggle to save these schools escalated in the week leading up to the potentially devastating vote, with a parent-led occupation of Brian Piccolo Specialty School February 17 and a 500-strong march to Mayor Rahm Emanuel's house on February 20.

The occupation of Piccolo--located on the city's poor West Side, with a student body that is over 60 percent Black and 35 percent Latino--kicked off on Friday night, February 17, with an energetic press conference outside the school. The Chicago Teachers Union (CTU)--locked in tough contract negotiations with the Chicago Public Schools--quickly issued a statement of support for the Piccolo action.

In front of a backdrop of tents and homemade banners, students gave rousing speeches about why they oppose the board's plan to turn their school around, and parents announced their plans to stay the night. The unity of African American and Latino parents in carrying out the occupation was lost on no one.

Many speakers voiced frustration at being ignored by the Board of Education, which is appointed by Emanuel. "They need to come to us," said Latoya Wall, an alumna of the school and mother of two current Piccolo students. "This is our neighborhood, our community. We live here, we suffer, we walk up and down this block every day. I've been living here since '92, and I refuse for AUSL [Academy for Urban School Leadership] to come in and turn our school around."

• • •

PICCOLO IS one of the 10 schools slated for turnaround. If the February 22 vote goes as planned, all of the staff and teachers in the school will be fired and forced to reapply for their jobs, and management of the school will be transferred to AUSL, an independent nonprofit staffed by people with personal connections to the Board of Education and the mayor.

Several students from Orr High School, which was handed to AUSL in 2008, came to speak out against the record of AUSL for uprooting communities and failing to maintain consistency. "AUSL makes millions off us, and they abandon us," said Malakhi, an Orr student.

The closures and turnarounds have devastating impacts on communities, as students are forced to commute to unfamiliar schools further away, and the teachers and staff that have developed relationships with the communities are pushed out.

"These are teachers and staff they grew up with," said Latrice Watkins, a Piccolo parent and head of the Local Schools Council. "They have relationships with the cafeteria staff and the custodians and the teachers. We don't want them replaced with people right out of college who aren't connected to the community."

Amid chants of "Occupy Piccolo," a group of 12 to 15 parents and students led supporters into the school. As word spread about the occupation, more and more people arrived on site. By 8:30 p.m., when the school alarm was set to go off, the crowd outside the school had swelled to over a hundred people, and a core group of 15 parents and community allies occupied a classroom. When the cops arrived, the supporters had blocked the front entrance of the school by organizing themselves into a human chain.

Eventually, a couple of police officers made their way into the building through a side entrance, and began negotiations with the parents inside. By 3:30 p.m. the following day, after hours of negotiations, parents and school officials came to an agreement: the parents were promised a meeting with the Board of Education, and they ended the occupation.

That it took an occupation of a school to get a meeting with the Board of Education is proof that the so-called legitimate democratic channels are bankrupt. Parents had been trying for months to get Chicago Schools CEO Jean-Claude Brizard and Mayor Rahm Emanuel to visit their school.

They'd shown up to speak at board meetings and were ignored. They organized a community discussion and vote about the proposed school turnarounds at Piccolo and Casals elementary schools in January, and over 90 percent of the 300 parents voted against the turnarounds. They also mobilized for school hearings and stood up against rent-a-protesters--people who were paid by politically connected ministers to attend hearings and pose as concerned community members who wanted schools shut down or turned around.

What's more, parents with the West Humboldt Park Community Action Council worked for over a year on their own proposal for how to improve their schools, and the board has still not taken these recommendations into consideration.

• • •

THIS YEAR'S proposal to shut down and turn around public schools is nothing new. For over a decade, the city has targeted schools on Chicago's South and West Sides, in poor neighborhoods that are predominantly African American and Latino. And for years, these proposals have been wildly unpopular in these communities.

However, this year, in the context of the broader attacks on public education, and with the CTU entering a fight over a fair contract, the parents who are leading the fight against the school closures have found overwhelming support from their communities and the union.

These links between the CTU and community organizations on the basis of a shared struggle will be a key element in the union's looming showdown with Emanuel and schools chief Brizard. The mayor and the school chief are demanding a 90-minute increase to the school day without increasing the pay of teachers, who were already denied their scheduled 4 percent raise this year.

The CTU--which recently issued a major report calling for greater funding for schools and genuine progressive school reform--was one of many groups to mobilize its members for the February 20 rally to save schools. The protest brought out 500 parents, teachers, students and community members in solidarity.

"I came out today because of my passion as a parent, not just as a teacher," said Katy, a CTU member. "The parental part of me is screaming out about the unfairness. My child goes to a mostly white school in a district that is 9 percent white. And she has all the resources, whereas my other children, my students, have nothing. It really took being a parent to slam it home for me."

Despite the overwhelming shows in support of keeping these schools open, it is likely that the Board of Education will vote unanimously February 22 to move forward with the mayor's plan to shut down and turn around the 17 schools.

Nevertheless, the steps that the movement to save our schools has taken over the last months has certainly made an impact. The actions over the past weeks and months have exposed the board's agenda, as parents and students have begun to resist being used as pawns in the attacks on education and on public sector workers.

With public education still in the crosshairs, it is clear that this struggle will not stop Wednesday. As Latrice Watkins put it, "We are not stepping down. This is our fight."

Legacy of a revolutionary: Malcolm X

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Saturday, March 10th - 4pm-6pm
Columbia College • Hokin Hall - room 109
(623 S. Wabash Ave.)

Author of the forthcoming Rats, Riots, and Revolution, and associate editor of International Socialist Review, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor will open this public forum with a presentation about the legacy of one of the most well-known revolutionaries in the United States.

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Race and class under Rahm

In the city Richard Daley and Rahm Emanuel like to call "world class," conditions and living standards are deteriorating for African Americans.

Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor

AT THE beginning of February, the White House and media pundits were celebrating a drop in the national unemployment rate. Unemployment is now at 8.3 percent, the lowest level in three years. The official Black unemployment also fell sharply, by 2 percentage point, to 13.6 percent.

Despite the media celebrations of these statistics, a sobering report from the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee painted a much bleaker picture when it found that in the largest urban areas, Black male employment rates ranged from a high of 66.6 percent in Washington, D.C., to a low of 43 percent in Detroit.

In other words, in big cities, on average, just over half of working-age African American men had jobs--further proof, if more was needed, that the federal government's official unemployment statistics leave out larger numbers of the jobless.

During the current election season, African Americans have only been discussed when Republicans are failing in the polls and engaging in gratuitous racism to score political points with their racist base.

Newt Gingrich offered insight into what he would do about the jobs crisis for African Americans by suggesting that union janitors at public schools be fired and replaced by Black school-aged children, so they could gain work experience. Rick Santorum declared in Iowa--where Blacks are a scant 2.9 percent of the population--that African American lives shouldn't be made better by "giving them other people's money."

The Democrats, despite having a Black president in the White House, don't bother defending African Americans against racist attacks for fear they will be pegged for playing the race card--and so the economic, political and social issues that shape Black life in the U.S. are largely ignored.

Thus, the absurdity of talking about the "positive turn" in the economy while the economic free-fall in Black America continues. Black employment in the former industrial centers of the U.S. remains shockingly low. In Buffalo, among African American men aged 16 to 64, only 43.9 percent had jobs, just above Detroit. In Milwaukee, the figure is 44.7 percent.

In city after city, Black unemployment, even as calculated by official federal statistics, remains at double-digit levels, with joblessness especially drastic among Black youth.

The jobs crisis in Black communities has been driven by the devastation of the manufacturing sector and, now, increasing cuts in public-sector jobs at the federal, state and local level. This is the context within which we have to understand the debate over whether or not to end 120,000 jobs with the U.S. Postal Service. These have been disproportionately Black jobs that paid good wages and kept ordinary African Americans out of poverty over the last 30 years.

The continued threat to whittle down the public sector goes directly to the question of what the quality of Black life in the U.S. will be. Stagnant employment rates and growing poverty are driving the high numbers of foreclosures and evictions in Black communities--aside from good old-fashioned racism. A recent study found that Blacks were twice as likely to be pushed into a more costly form of bankruptcy than whites because of existing biases.

•  •  •

THE NATIONAL picture for Black America is bleak enough, but when investigated on a city-by-city basis, the scale of the crisis seems even more pronounced--especially in President Barack Obama's home of Chicago.

Former Mayor Richard M. Daley liked to claim as part of his legacy that Chicago had been turned into a "world class city." The designation was meant to convey the idea that Chicago was a place where the rich and powerful could come to town to wheel and deal.

In fact, the central business area of Chicago, the Loop, has been turned into just that, with multimillion-dollar parks, adorned by posh restaurants, hotels and, of course, the Michigan Avenue shopping district. It is this Chicago that millionaire Mayor Rahm Emanuel hopes to show off at the upcoming NATO-G8 joint summit in the spring.

But there is a very different Chicago that is home to the city's Black population. If the national state of Black America is bleak, the situation in Chicago is downright catastrophic.

Black and Brown Chicago is defined not by its nice hotels and restaurants, but by deep and widespread poverty, stripped-down social services, shuttered public schools, and wanton violence and abuse by a notoriously corrupt police force.

From this maze of neglect and disregard has arisen such an intense hopelessness that Chicago has become the youth murder capital of the United States, with more than 530 young people killed since 2008 alone--nearly 80 percent them living in the 22 neighborhoods that account for the majority of Blacks and Latinos in the city.

Four thousand young Black and brown kids have survived shootings, leaving a generation of trauma survivors who rarely get treated and have limited access to mental health care--a problem exacerbated by the millionaire Mayor's closing of mental health clinics on the South Side of the city, an area where many of these shootings have happened.

And this is only the tip of the iceberg of the social crisis unfolding in Black Chicago:

 

•  Chicago has the third-highest overall poverty rate among major U.S. cities, behind only Philadelphia and Dallas. But for Blacks, Chicago has the highest poverty rate, at 32.2 percent, according to 2009 Census Bureau data. And of course, in some neighborhoods, like East Garfield Park, the level of poverty is even higher than that.

 

•  At the 188 Chicago public schools in predominately Black neighborhoods, 95 percent of students qualify for free lunches. At 14 of these schools, 100 percent of students are eligible.

•  There are more white Chicagoans with graduate degrees than there are Black people with two-year associate degrees. Among the country's 10 largest cities, this disparity does not exist anywhere else.

•  Fewer than 40 percent of school-age Black males in Chicago graduated from high school between 1995 and 2005.

•  According to a study of arrests for misdemeanor marijuana possession in 2009 and 2010, nearly eight out of every 10 arrests involved Black youth, even though Black youngsters are less likely than white or Latino youth to use marijuana. African Americans accounted for nearly nine out of 10 of those who pleaded or were found guilty of such charges.

•  One in five Black men in his 20s in Cook County is under the supervision of the criminal justice system--in prison or jail, and on parole. For every two African Americans enrolled in a university or college in the state of Illinois, there are five Blacks in prison.

•  As a result of the hyper-policing that takes place in Black neighborhoods, in the North Lawndale neighborhood on the West Side, 70 percent of Black men between the ages of 18 and 45 are ex-offenders. In 2010, Chicago police arrested 20,930 Black youth 17 and younger--while only arresting 936 white youth in the same age group.

•  In the first eight months of 2011, Chicago police shot 45 people, killing 16 of them--and 87 percent of the victims were were African American.

•  •  •

 

THIS LEGACY of racism, segregation and police violence--and the abundant evidence that all these conditions persist--draw attention to the divisions that exist within Black Chicago.

Despite having a relatively high number of African American political representatives at both the local and national level, Black Chicago remains gripped by crisis. In fact, many Black aldermen in the City Council have sat passively as Emanuel has passed draconian budgets that will have the worst impact on the South and West Sides of the city.

Moreover, Black politicians have been silent as Mayor 1% has viciously attacked public-sector unions--the only thing standing between them and poverty for tens of thousands of Black Chicagoans. Union jobs mean higher incomes for African American workers--it's that simple. But the high-salaried Black officials in Chicago who vote for layoffs and salary reductions for Black workers are evidence of a growing class divide.

In Chicago, as in most big cities, there are a small but significant number of African Americans who look to maximize political and economic opportunities by either currying favor with the political machine or helping to push through that agenda. In Chicago, one consequence is that a handful of Black preachers from around the city are willing to take money from the developing Emanuel machine to attend public hearings and declare their support for school closures.

Despite this pathetic attempt to make it appear as if the demand to close schools in Black neighborhoods is coming from the Black community itself, African American parents and activists have thrown a wrench in the works by appearing at school closure hearings and demanding that their voices be heard instead.

The fight for public education in Chicago--and the potential showdown between the Chicago Teachers Union and Rahm Emanuel and his merry band of aldermen in the Chicago City Council--could energize a wider struggle against segregation and racism in Black Chicago. The need for renewed struggle and activism against some of the worst conditions of poverty in the country has never been clearer.

 

Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor is on the editorial board of the International Socialist Review. She is a frequent contributor on the subject of race and class and has written extensively on the struggle for housing justice. Her articles have also appeared on the Black Commentator, CounterPunch and Gaper's Block Web sites.

A World to Win - Why we need a revolution

Aworldtowin v2

Tuesday, February 21st
5pm–7pm

University of Illinois at Chicago
601 S. Morgan St.

 

The World is in Revolt! From the Occupy movement to general strikes to the revolutions in the Middle East. Can these revolts become a force that radically transform society for the better?

Join the UIC Students Organizing for Socialism for a discussion of how the fights for reforms are essential, but ultimately a revolution is needed to organize the entire world anew. A world based on meeting the needs of the majority, not the needs of the parasitic 1%.

 

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No Power Greater; Marxism and the working class

No Power Greater2

Thursday, March 1st
7pm–9pm

Casa Aztlán
1831 S. Rachine Ave

The Occupy Movement has brought class politics to the front and center of the national discussion about what is wrong with society, and how it can be changed. What do Marxists say about class? Who is in the working class, and why does it matter? Do unions still matter? How can workers organize today?

Please join this discussion, hosted by the Pilsen branch of the International Socialist Organization, to hash out these questions and more.

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Capitalism vs. Democracy

Capitalism Vs Democracy 3

Capitalism vs. Democracy
Thursday, February 2nd @ 7pm
Grace United Methodist Church

(3325 W. Wrightwood)

w/ LANCE SELFA, author of "The Democrats: A Critical History"

As the world's financial managers and heads of state have continued to extoll the virtues of democracy, protesters have begun to realize that their own rights are being bought and sold to the highest bidder.

From the Arab Spring to the occupy movement, millions have demanded the removal of corporate influence from politics, but still the dollar seems to rule. More and more the same conclusion presents itself: a system driven by nothing but the pursuit of profit [Capitalism] is irreconcilable with Democracy.

Join us for a discussion!

Sponsored by the International Socialist Organization

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Welcome to the civil-liberties-free zone

CHICAGO MAYOR Rahm Emanuel wants to set up his own personal police state to accommodate the warmongers and budget-slashers who will attend a conference of the global 1 percent in Chicago in May.

Emanuel is giddy about the "opportunity" to host simultaneous gatherings of the U.S.-dominated NATO military alliance and the Group of Eight (G8) club of powerful industrial nations also dominated by the U.S., set for May 19-21. The last time both entities met together was in 1977 in London.

"From a city perspective, this will be an opportunity to showcase what is great about the greatest city in the greatest country," said Emanuel. "It's an opportunity for the city of Chicago economically, but also a message internationally about why Chicago is a city that's on the move, and if you're thinking of investing, Chicago is a place to invest."

Meanwhile, civil liberties will become a scarce commodity.

In December, Emanuel introduced a package of proposed ordinances, to be voted on by the Chicago City Council, that demand dramatically higher fines for anyone arrested during the summits, more surveillance cameras and the daily closure of city parks and playgrounds until 6 a.m.

The ordinances would also increase minimum fines from $25 to $250 for anyone found "resisting arrest"--and the law is careful to specify that "passively" resisting, such as going limp in classic civil-disobedience style, is also included. Maximum fines would increase from $500 to $1,000, and in some cases to $2,000.

The spineless Chicago City Council--which recently rubberstamped Emanuel's job-busting and social-services-slashing budget with a 50-0 vote--is set to vote on the ordinances on January 18.

The new ordinances would also empower Chicago Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy to "deputize law enforcement personnel"; make cooperative agreements with a host of state, federal and local law enforcement agencies; and forge agreements with "public or private entities concerning placement, installation, maintenance or use of video, audio telecommunications, or other similar equipment."

This last measure would buttress the city's existing "Big Brother" surveillance network, augmenting more than 10,000 public and private surveillance cameras--the most extensive and integrated system in the nation, according to experts.

Emanuel's proposals are also clearly intended to "neutralize" any number of other potential headaches. For one, Emanuel wants to set up new hurdles for Occupy Chicago, which has plans for a spring mobilization in early April. In the fall, Emanuel ordered mass arrests that successfully thwarted Occupy Chicago's repeated efforts to establish an encampment in a public space.

But Emanuel is also faced with growing protests among teachers, nurses and community activists faced with school closures, and cuts to city mental health services and other programs.

According to the Chicago Reporter, "Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy said the department is treating the Occupy Chicago protests as a bit of a dry run, and they've considered the way they've dealt with protesters so far to be a success."

From the first announcement that the joint summits would be held in Chicago, there has also been a systematic media campaign to smear social justice protesters as hell-bent on "violence" and "destruction." In particular, the Chicago Sun-Times ran sensational front-page articles featuring burning buildings and confrontational scenes.

Emanuel wants to use a media-generated hysteria to justify the massive security operation and discourage wider participation in the protests.

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SPENDING TENS of millions of dollars on security and feasts for powerful politicians and officials who oversaw the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, or who imposed austerity across the world will be hard for many people to stomach.

This is especially true in a city where the mayor has forced through layoffs of librarians, the closure of desperately needed mental-health clinics and schools, and other cuts to the city's already battered social safety net. And Emanuel is planning for more, with massive concessions demanded from Chicago teachers and transit workers.

But despite the intimidation and demonization, networks of Chicago-based and national activists have been organizing since August to challenge the twin entities of the G8 and NATO, as well as the assault on civil liberties.

Mass protests, a People's Summit and many other events and actions are being planned by students, trade unionists, antiwar organizers, faith-based activists, Occupiers, anti-eviction activists and many others. These groups have joined forces to say no to the NATO/G8 agenda, and to put forward an alternative based on equality, democracy and solidarity.

But as far as Emanuel is concerned, this runs contrary to his own plans to host an event that caters to the interests of the city's corporate elite--and those of his former boss, President Barack Obama, who Emanuel served as White House chief of staff until he left in October 2010 to run for mayor.

By mid-May, the 2012 presidential election will be in full swing, and Democrats are hoping that Obama's prospects for reelection will be enhanced by playing a central role in the summits. According to an anonymous administration official, the NATO/G8 meetings offer Obama "with the opportunity to continue his leadership of our most important security alliance, to fulfill commitments made by allied leaders in Lisbon in November 2010, and to sustain our joint work to revitalize NATO to prepare it to effectively meet challenges of the 21st century."

The White House thus hopes to use the Chicago summit to reassert the global role of the U.S. in both economic and military terms.

Officials will tout what they consider the Obama administration's foreign policy achievements, including support for regime change in Libya and ending the war in Iraq. Economically, the summit presents the U.S. with a bully pulpit to lecture Europe on how to avoid an imposion of the eurozone economy that would drag down the world economy.

Pivotal, too, for the U.S. is the exclusion of China--the clear rival to the U.S. in coming decades, economically and politically--from both bodies.

Though there are fears that its economic growth will slow in the next couple of years, China now has more billionaires than any other country except the U.S., along with $2 trillion in foreign assets--while the U.S. has $2.5 trillion in net debts. China is the world's leading manufacturer and looks set to become the world's primary importer by 2014--a massive turnaround from 2000 when U.S. imports were six times China's, according to the Economist.

China's growth, the economic crisis and the quagmire in Iraq and Afghanistan have combined to exacerbate the sense of anxiety among U.S. policymakers and the broader public about "American decline." A Pew Global Attitudes Survey captures this statistically: when asked which country is the world's leading economic power, 43 percent of Americans answered China, while only 38 percent believe the U.S. is still number one.

So what could be better for the U.S. and President Obama than a global platform staged in Chicago to present their message about what needs to be done.

But here's what they don't say: The global 1 percent have become even richer in recent years, and they want to stop anything that might disrupt the growth of their staggering vast wealth. So elite will gather to justify austerity for the purpose of stabilizing world capitalism, defend the concentration of wealth and power among the tiny few--and pay lip service to reducing hunger, climate change and inequality.

Writing from Kabul in Afghanistan, veteran peace campaigner Kathy Kelly captured the disconnect between those who embrace the G8 and NATO and those who feel the brunt of its dictates:

Hillary Clinton, President Obama, former war-hawk representative Emanuel and other undisputed militarists in government seem to see Chicago as a city obsessed with power, a city determined above all to be tough and strong. Carl Sandburg famously depicted Chicago as the city of big shoulders, and it often seems too easy for political leaders and generals to confuse the strength involved in shouldering shared burdens with the very different kind of "toughness" that drives a fist or a nightstick.

NATO/G8 summits have been met with protests wherever they have been held. In 2001, at the height of the global justice movement, hundreds of thousands demonstrated in Genoa, Italy, to show their opposition to G8 policies. With this in mind, Chicago's mayor is ready to go to any length to protect the architects of war and global inequality.

But his efforts aren't going unnoticed. John Kass, a conservative Chicago Tribune columnist, criticized Emanuel's "ruthless amassing of new powers" by comparing him to a Roman dictator:

[T]here seems to be a new, imperial Rahm on the horizon: Emperor Rahmulus. Rahmulus wants more power over police, so that his police chief may immediately deputize members of other law enforcement agencies should Rahmulus decree. This means he might be able to deputize the Melrose Park cops--perhaps even the Melrose Park Fire Department--if he feels the need.

And he wants more control over contracts, transforming the already-neutered Chicago City Council from eunuchs to ghosts. "I'm doing what is appropriate for a unique event with a unique attention to the city," Emanuel told reporters last week. "We'll do it to make sure we have an orderly process. This is not a big deal. This is a one-time event...This is temporary, and this is just for this conference."

Oh, sure. It's just temporary. The last guy who said new powers were only temporary was Emperor Palpatine from the Star Wars saga...

In fact, Emanuel's dispatch of the City Council is only a means to an end, says Kass:

The mayor will have sweeping contract powers to take care of this one and that one because he feels like it, with little if any legislative oversight. And that befits a political system where "democracy" is largely symbolic, as it was in Albania for most of the last century.

So we'll have heads of state gathering in Chicago to nibble hors d'oeuvres with Rahm's business friends, and they'll make contacts and deals and more business. Taxpayers will pick up much of the cost. The suits will praise President Barack Obama's Chicago. And if history is our guide, then young protesters will be dragged away, their heads bouncing along the curbs.

Kass' assessment is on the money. In fact, Emanuel has acknowledged that he has no intention of making "temporary" any of the measures designed to clamp down on civil liberties.

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TO FUND the massive security operation, Emanuel was handed a $54.6 million grant by his friends in the federal government. The mayor's office won't say how much it wants to raise in addition to this federal funding, or how it will spend any contributions, but it has tapped seasoned corporate networkers, including former Sara Lee Corp. CEO John Bryan, to lead the effort.

Within corporate and political circles, Emanuel's fundraising skills are seen as legendary. According to reporter Shia Kapos:

Before he headed out of town for the holidays, Mayor Rahm Emanuel tied up a loose end of business. He secured a $2 million sponsorship donation for the upcoming NATO and G8 summits, which will land in Chicago in mid-May. Add that to the $50 million or so already in the bank.

Yep, the latest infusion should put to rest any question of whether businesses want their names attached to an event that draws protests. Christie Hefner, the former Playboy Enterprises Inc. CEO who now serves as executive chairman of Tucson, Ariz.-based Canyon Ranch Enterprises Inc., said as much at a recent Executives' Club of Chicago meeting.

The media's collaboration in the whole spectacle of trumpeting the summit while demonizing protesters shouldn't come as a surprise--especially at the Sun-Times, whose board has a longstanding relationship with the city's new boss. According to Crain's Chicago Business reporter Greg Hinz:

At least eight of the 12 board members of the new company [that owns the Sun-Times], Wrapports LLC, have donated to Mr. Emanuel's campaign fund in the past year, collectively plunking down $241,000 that I found in a quick survey of Board of Elections disclosures. Included: $25,000 from the Sun-Times' new chairman, Michael Ferro Jr., and $105,000 from Mr. Emanuel's frequent visitor at City Hall, Grosvenor Capital Management L.P. chief Michael Sacks.

City officials have made organizing extremely difficult by stalling on repeated attempts to discuss march and rally permits. However, NATO/G8 activists have joined with Occupy Chicago to "Occupy City Hall" and other actions to demand the right to protest and other basic civil liberties.

Persistence is paying off. The Coalition Against NATO/G8 War and Poverty Agenda celebrated a victory when City Hall was forced to backtrack on denying permits for Daley Plaza in downtown Chicago. MB Real Estate, the company managing Daley Plaza for the city, had earlier announced it would not be issuing any permits during May 15-22, but more recently, the city's Public Building Commission wrote to the American Civil Liberties Union to say that "Daley Plaza will be open to public assembly and public activity" during the summits.

In the coming weeks and months, the struggle to defend the right to assemble and protest will be crucial. In the next week, for example, Chicago unions, religious groups, Occupy activists and students will be spearheading a campaign to get Chicago aldermen to vote against Emanuel's proposed ordinances when they come to a vote in the City Council on January 18.

We should do everything we can to mobilize those from near and far who want to show the representatives of the global 1 percent that they and their policies are not welcome in Chicago--or anywhere.

Martin Luther King & the Struggle for Black Liberation

MLKforf color

Tuesday, January 17th @ 7:30pm
Experimental Station
6100 S Blackstone Ave, Chicago, IL 60637

Martin Luther King is justifiably famous for being the untiring leader of the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Less well known is that toward the end of his life, MLK began to see that a radical, socio-economic change would have to take place in society before African Americans could truly be free from racism and oppression. As he told a reporter in 1968, “you could say we’re involved in the class struggle.”

Come hear a presentation by activist and Socialist Worker columnist, Keeanga Yamahtta Taylor, and join us for a discussion on the radical Martin Luther King.

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Racism & Police Repression

Racism PoliceRepression color

Thursday, January 26th @ 7pm
Many Peoples Church
(1507 W. Morse Ave in Rogers Park)

Every day in Chicago, young people in black and brown neighborhoods are subjected to random searches and harassment by the police. Racial profiling by police forces around the country remains a documented fact as black incarceration rates in the U.S. dramatically surpass those of apartheid-era South Africa.

Faced with the powerful Occupy movement and the prospects of mass protests during the NATO and G-8 summits this May, mayor Rahm Emanuel wants to grant Chicago cops even more power to harass and intimidate the people of our city. Undoubtedly, African-American, Latino, and immigrant communities will suffer the brunt of these expanded police powers. This public forum will look at the implications of Rahm’s assault on our rights and what it means for those fighting the racism of a reactionary police force.

2011: The Year of Revolt

The year of revolt

2011 will be remembered as a year when resistance broke out around the world.

The year of revolt: clockwise from top right, Egypt, Wisconsin, Occupy Wall Street and Greece

"A GLOBAL rebellion of the oppressed against the oppressor, the exploited against the exploiter." That's how the African American revolutionary Malcolm X characterized the international scene shortly before he was assassinated in 1965--but the description is even more apt for 2011.

From the Middle East and North Africa to Europe, Latin America, Asia and the U.S., a worldwide resistance has taken shape. Faced with a world wracked by economic, social, political and environmental crises, working people and activists took to the streets to demand justice, equality and an end to war.

On the October 15 international day of action taken up by the Occupy Wall Street, demonstrations took place in almost 1,000 cities in 82 different countries--proof positive that a new international movement was on the scene.

Even Time magazine got the idea. Its annual Person of the Year title is usually given to the most conventional and narrow choice possible—remember 2010’s pick? Mark Zuckerberg—but the magazine chose “The Protester” for 2011.

Last year at this time, SocialistWorker.org wrote in an editorial: “History tells us that when a breakthrough for our side comes, it's contagious.” 2011 proved the point again and again. Now, we face amazing possibilities and opportunities as the struggles that were sparked off and reached new high points during 2011 continue and spread.

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THE YEAR began with spectacular democratic revolutions sweeping away dictators who ruled in Tunisia and Egypt for decades—and its last weeks saw the resurgence of revolutionary struggle on the streets of Cairo once more. In the months between, the Arab Spring saw revolutionary struggles unfold in Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and Syria.

The stunning changes brought to mind the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin's observation that "there are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen."

Faced with this revolutionary upsurge, the U.S. and its partners in Europe spared no effort to try to hijack the revolution. They gave the green light to the Bahraini monarchy to crush the rebellion, and they propped up Yemen's ruler Ali Abdullah Saleh to arrange a pseudo-democratic change of power.

It’s true that the U.S. led a Western military intervention in alliance with the movement to oust dictator Muammar el-Qaddafi, and it more recently threatened Bashar al-Assad’s Syrian regime with sanctions.

But anyone who thinks that the U.S. has suddenly converted to the cause of democracy in the Middle East should recall that Washington initially kept quiet about Qaddafi's efforts to drown the rebellion in blood and looked the other way as Assad carried out a murderous crackdown. It was only the threat of civil war that led the U.S. to reverse course and go to war in Libya—while it bribed and bullied the opposition to shape it to its liking.

Meanwhile, in Egypt, the U.S. backed the military establishment that had always been the backbone of Hosni Mubarak's rule in an effort to snuff out the revolution. The strategy seemed to be working--until more than a million people took to the streets of Egypt in November, furious at both the military's insistence on remaining beyond democratic control and the miserable failure of its economic policies.

The Arab revolution faces real challenges in every country—including the ones where it has advanced the farthest, like Egypt. But it still continues, despite every effort of the imperial powers and the tyrants of the region to crush it out.

The Arab Spring alone would have made 2011 one of the great revolutionary years of all time, as decades-old dictatorships wobbled and toppled. But the year also saw rebellions in the heartlands of “democracy”--if the corporate-dominated rigged political systems of Western Europe and the U.S. can be called by that name.

In Greece, workers battling more than two years of austerity dictated by bankers and bureaucrats staged repeated mass protests and general strikes. They drew new energy from young people who occupied the square outside the parliament building in Athens and others across the country. Those protesters had taken inspiration from the movement of the “indignados” of Spain, where youth occupied the plazas of Spanish cities, large and small, to protest mass unemployment and cuts in social spending.

The Spanish youth had modeled their protests on the occupation of Tahrir Square in Egypt--an action that also encouraged young protesters in Wisconsin as they occupied the state Capitol during three weeks of mass labor protests against anti-union laws.

Youth rebellion was also a key theme in Britain, where racist police violence triggered a major street revolt in August. And on November 30, millions of British public sector workers went on strike to defend pensions--the biggest workers' action in that country since the 1930s.

Young people were also on the move in Chile, the model for the free market-oriented "neoliberal" economic policies pushed by the U.S. over the last three decades. A country that emerged from a horrific military regime just a decade ago has seen hundreds of thousands of students sustain a months-long struggle to make education democratic and affordable. The student rebellion has also spread to Colombia, where left-wing militants and unionists are routinely tagged as "terrorists" and targeted for murder.

And in the U.S., young people formed the heart of Occupy Wall Street and its sister occupations in cities around the U.S. Finally, after three years of an economic crash and an excruciatingly weak recovery, long-term unemployment, declining wages and cuts in social spending, people took to the streets in the U.S. to say: "Enough!"

Organized labor, which has been disoriented, both by President Barack Obama's failure to deliver and the ferocity of the employers' offensive, made common cause with the Occupy movement in important ways, mounting some of the largest labor protests in decades across the U.S.

The media pundits and corporate apologists who sneered at the Occupy movement for its supposed lack of demands missed a rather obvious point: It's the system, stupid. That's why Occupy went global--and why the struggle will continue.

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UNDERPINNING THE global rebellion is a multifaceted crisis.

The economic crash of 2008 laid bare the long-term trends of rising inequality and class polarization, even in countries where the economy had been expanding. The resulting social crisis--a spike in unemployment and poverty worldwide and austerity almost everywhere--has led to an international crisis of political legitimacy, too.

While politicians in Europe and the U.S. have avoided the fate of their Middle Eastern cronies, the crisis has taken its toll through plummeting approval ratings and the downfall of governments in Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Spain and Greece. And now the worsening debt crisis in Europe threatens the world with another downward spiral in the global economy that will only intensify the political crisis.

The response of the world's ruling classes has been to further restrict an already narrow political space.

Greece and Italy are now run by "technocratic" governments who answer to bankers and European Union bureaucrats rather than voters. The U.S. has its own version of this trend, with the state of Michigan using new legislation to install emergency financial managers to push aside elected officials in budget-strapped municipalities and tear up union contracts.

And in Washington, politicians tried to impose austerity with an end run around the U.S. Constitution, empowering a "supercommittee" to draft budget-cutting measures that couldn't have been amended.

If you don't like it, then our rulers have a message for you: Get ready for a nightstick in the ribs or a blast of the pepper spray at point-blank range. With the crackdown on Occupy encampments across the U.S.--ordered in almost every case by Democratic Party mayors--the scenes of riot cops battling workers on the streets of Cairo and Athens no longer seem remote.

When all this is taken into account, the question becomes not why did 2011 become a year of revolt, but why didn't it take place sooner? In the U.S., a major reason is that the left is only just starting to reemerge from decades of retreat and defeat, and the unions represent only around 12 percent of workers. But it should be recalled that in the early years of the Great Depression of the 1930s, struggles were isolated and often defeated before the big labor upsurge of 1936 and 1937.

The same has been true for today's small-D depression. The shock is wearing off, and the reality is setting in: Corporate America and its counterparts in Europe and most of the rest of the world are determined to impose a deep and permanent cut in working class living standards.

But in 2011, we gave our response loud and clear: We're not going to take it--and we're going to fight back.

The struggles to come will not go onward and upward. In Egypt, for example, supporters of the revolution are grappling with a new alignment of forces after the elections, as some organizations that were part of the uprising against Mubarak have sided with the military. In the U.S., the Occupy movement is being reshaped by the loss of the encampments to police repression and the winter cold, while new initiatives take shape.

No movement or struggle ever continues at the same even pace until it achieves victory. There are always ups and downs that last for shorter or longer periods of times--and oftentimes, the change in direction happens abruptly and unpredictably. There's also unevenness between different areas.

But no one should lose sight of the bigger picture. Struggles like the Occupy movement have transformed the national political discussion in lasting ways--and changed the way that millions of people think about the world. There's no telling exactly what happens next, but we do know that the experience of the year of revolt will shape that future--and that we will 2012 faced with a world both of crisis and mass resistance.

You can't evict an idea whose time has come

You Can't Evict An Idea Whose Time Has Come:
cops, capitalism, and revolution

The whole world has watched as police have pepper-sprayed, beaten and
arrested non-violent protesters from California to New York.

This coordinated assault hasn’t broken our spirits but it does raise critical questions:
Why are politicians unleashing such brutal repression? How can we turn popular
protest into victories against budget cuts and union-busting? What role can workers
play in the fight for a better world? And ultimately, what kind of struggle will
it take to uproot corporate greed, poverty and inequality once and for all?

Join us for a discussion on the politics we need to win fight for our future.

Thursday, December 8th @ 7pm
Columbia College • Hockin Lecture Hall • room 109
623 S. Wabash

RSVP on Facebook

Building a Multiracial Occupy Movement

The Occupy struggle needs to represent and involve all of the 99 percent--and that means putting issues affecting people of color at the center of our movement.
by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor

OCCUPY WALL Street has sent a bolt of electricity through American society and politics in a way that hasn't happened in decades. It has made the powerful and wealthy of this society the focal point for decades of class rage that has simmered beneath the surface.

The Occupy Movement has forced the mainstream media to report on and discuss poverty, economic inequality, and the corruption and money that pollute the political system in this country.

Maybe most important is the way the movement has popularized the notion that there is a basic divide in this society and around the world: the 1 percent versus the 99 percent. As a result, mainstream media outlets are featuring stories that ask: "Who is the 1 percent?" or "Who are the 99 percent?" Even the rich acknowledge the divide--in Chicago's financial district, traders dropped fliers on the Occupy Chicago headquarters, bragging, "We are the 1 percent."

The slogan of "We are the 99 percent" has captured the way in which a microscopic minority of elites has access to an inordinate amount of wealth and power. All the measures of the quality of life in the U.S. show the effects of this economic inequality--and moreover, that economic inequality often overlaps with racial and ethnic inequality and injustice as well.

At over 16 percent, official unemployment for African Americans is twice what it is for whites. Home foreclosures have disproportionately impacted Black and Latinos because minority communities were steered into predatory sub-prime loans by mortgage lenders. As a result, Black median wealth has plummeted to historic lows of less than $6,000 compared to over $100,000 for whites.

Racism not only compounds the effects of an economic crisis that has been devastating for all working people, but it makes life generally worse for Blacks, Latinos and people of color.

So, for example, not only do African Americans have to worry about unemployment, eviction or foreclosure, but we also must think about the constant threat of police brutality and misconduct. Thus, Chicago has the highest rate of Black poverty in the country at 33 percent, but since January, the police have shot 51 people, the vast majority of them African American. Despite being only 12.6 percent of the U.S. population, African Americans were almost 40 percent of the total U.S. jail and prison population in 2009.

Likewise, not only do Latinos have to fear losing their homes to foreclosure, but they must also worry about police harassment that has been legitimized by racist immigration policies across the country.

In the latest example of vicious anti-immigrant legislation at the state level, Alabama has given police the authority to question anyone they think might be in the U.S. illegally. Of course, there is no way to distinguish between legal and undocumented immigrants, so any brown-skinned person will do. It is a recipe--in fact, a command--for racial profiling and police harassment.

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THE INTERSECTION of economic injustice and racial injustice met, quite literally, on the streets of New York City just five days after the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement began. On September 22, hundreds of thousands of activists around the world mobilized for a "day of outrage" after the execution the night before of African American prisoner Troy Davis. In New York, a spirited demonstration of 2,000 people avoided police blockades to march to Zuccotti Park, headquarters of OWS in lower Manhattan.

In fact, it seems clear that the fury and determination of the protests for Troy Davis in the days leading up to his execution helped gather momentum for the Occupy movement, as we were all witness to the most extreme demonstration of the inequality at the heart of U.S. society.

Despite these initial ties between OWS and the explicit anti-racist politics at the core of the struggle to save Troy Davis, questions have arisen about the Occupy movement's commitment to diversity, inclusion and anti-racism.

Are they valid? First, it's important to distinguish between questions that are raised as attacks on the movement without an interest in advancing the struggle, and those that come from a genuine concern about the need to have more Blacks, Latinos, Arabs and Muslims, and people of color at the heart of the Occupy movement.

For example, some articles written by liberals have either parroted mainstream media critiques of the Occupy demonstrations as filled with unkempt white youth, or made wild generalizations that the Occupy movement as a whole is unrepresentative and not interested in taking on racism.

Even CNN got in on the discussion in a segment that questioned whether the Occupy Movement really represented the 99 percent because "only" 20 percent of protesters were Black and Latino, a lower percentage than the demographics of New York City as a whole. Professor James Peterson of Lehigh University, in an interview with CNN, asked back why the media never poses these same questions to the Tea Party. He added that the Occupy movement is at least attempting to expand the number of people of color involved.

Actually, CNN might be better off asking about its own commitment to diversity after the NAACP questioned the network as to why it doesn't have a single Black anchor for any of its prime-time programs.

But Kenyon Farrow, writing for American Prospect, got a much wider hearing when he wrote an incendiary article on "Occupy Wall Street's Race Problem" that effectively dismissed the movement out of hand as racist and clueless:

Given the stark economic realities in communities of color, many people have wondered why the Occupy Wall Street movement hasn't become a major site for mobilizing African Americans. For me, it's not about the diversity of the protests. It's about the rhetoric used by the white left that makes OWS unable to articulate, much less achieve, a transformative racial-justice agenda.

After comparing the movement to Rush Limbaugh, Farrow conflates the naiveté of some white activists about the role of police with the Occupy movement as whole--which he derisively writes off as the "white left."

Is this really an accurate representation of the Occupy Movement? This critique is pretty unfair to a movement that has existed for just over a month. The movement should be judged not by how it began, but what, if anything, it is doing to make itself more representative and diverse.

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THE BLANKET criticism of Occupy as "too white" ignores the way in which the movement, though it varies greatly from city to city, is actively grappling with how to include all of the 99 percent.

In Oakland, for example, activists renamed their encampment Oscar Grant Park to honor the young African American man who was shot in the back and killed by police almost three years ago. Atlanta renamed its park after Troy Davis.

Occupy Wall Street in New York has a "People of Color" working group whose whole existence is organized around bringing more Blacks and Latinos into the movement. Occupy Chicago has organized teach-ins on "Racism in Chicago," "Our Enemies in Blue" and "Evictions and Foreclosures," which disproportionately impact Blacks and Latinos. Occupy Los Angeles is planning a teach-in on the history of the civil rights movement.

Most significantly of all, African American activists in New York who noticed the lack of Black participation in the OWS protests organized "Occupy the Hood," whose aim has been to raise the profile of the Occupy Movement in communities of color across the country and widen the number of people involved.

A few weeks ago, more than 30 protesters from OWS--among them, author Cornel West--were arrested demonstrating against the NYPD policy of racial profiling known as "stop and frisk," which has led to the arbitrary questioning and search of hundreds of thousands Blacks and Latinos throughout New York. In Boston, the launch of Occupy the Hood in the Roxbury neighborhood brought out 400 people, mostly African Americans, to speak out against evictions, foreclosures and police brutality, among other things. Just in the last week, a new initiative for Occupy Harlem brought together more than 100 activists.

Moreover, in cities where the Occupy Movement has successfully collaborated with organized labor, the demonstrations and direct actions have been more diverse. This isn't surprising since Black and Latino workers are disproportionately more likely to be union members--especially in public-sector unions that are under particular attack right now. OWS saw a dramatic increase in the numbers of people of color present at the occupation and in its demonstration after working together with labor on days of action against corporate and bankers greed.

None of this is to say that there aren't problems with an under-representation of communities of color in the Occupy Movement, only that in many places, organizers recognize this and are actively attempting to overcome it.

We live in cities that are divided by racism and segregation. It would be utopian to believe that the political, social and economic issues that often lead to the isolation of Black and brown communities will be overcome overnight by a new movement--regardless of the intentions of the activists involved.

Moreover, writing off the Occupy Movement as "the white left" denigrates the efforts of people of color who have been involved in pushing for more inclusion of issues that affect communities of color.

The critique also underestimates how this movement--by legitimizing and promoting political protest in almost every major city in the country--can help to generate confidence for others to fight their own particular grievances. For example, there are a growing number of reports of Black and Latino families "occupying" their homes in the face of foreclosure and eviction, after being inspired by the Occupy movement.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

WE CAN do even more to make our movement multiracial by taking up issues that are crushing communities of color.

The Occupy movement should demand an end to the "war on drugs," to the record levels of incarceration of Black men and women in the racist criminal justice system, and to police brutality in communities of color. We should call for halting the deportations of the undocumented and an end to the legalized racial profiling targeting Latinos in states like Arizona and Alabama. We should challenge the Islamaphobic practices of the NYPD, CIA, FBI and other police forces that target Arabs and Muslims.

Our movement should organize marches to institutions that are responsible for the conditions in Black and brown neighborhoods. That means marches on racist police precincts to highlight police brutality, on the local Board of Education if it is planning, as it is in Chicago, to close more schools in Black neighborhoods, on the many banks responsible for the rash of home foreclosures in Black communities, or on the main post office in your city to protest the planned mass layoffs of postal workers, large numbers of whom are Blacks or other minorities.

Our movement should call attention to the way that economic and racial injustice and inequality overlap by calling for affirmative action and prioritization of African American and Latino placement in higher education, jobs and housing programs. This would be a recognition that racial oppression often compounds economic marginalization, leading to more Black unemployment, foreclosures and a general lack of access and opportunity.

One immediate thing the Occupy movement everywhere can do is expand its leading activists to include more women and persons of color. Too often, the core organizers in many cities, those who constitute an informal leadership, are young white men. While this may have been where the movement started in particular locales, there is no justifiable reason for it to remain that way.

As activists, we should always strive for our organizing to reflect the best of our aims for a just society that we are fighting for--and that includes women, Blacks, Latinos, Arabs and Muslims, and other people of color at the center of our movement for a different and better world.

Finally, in the U.S., the central way that the 1 percent maintains its grip on society is by dividing the 99 percent. One of the most central of these divisions has been racism against Blacks, immigrants and other ethnic minorities. Our side must make every effort to include those who are oppressed by racism so that this movement does belong to all of us.

The Occupy movement can do this by emphatically putting issues that affect people of color at the center of the movement--to signal our solidarity with the oppressed and our fundamental agreement with the old union slogan that "an injury to one is an injury to all."


Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor is on the editorial board of the International Socialist Review. She is a frequent contributor on the subject of race and class and has written extensively on the struggle for housing justice. Her articles have also appeared on the Black Commentator, CounterPunch and Gaper's Block Web sites.

Midwest Marxism Conference • Oct. 29th

MWSCflyer

Saturday, Oct. 29th • 11:30am-7:30pm

DePaul University • 2320 N. Kenmore Ave • SAC room 161

$5-$20 registration

childcare available* • evening party

Across the globe we have seen images of revolution and revolt -- from Egypt, to Madison; from London Riots, to the fight to save Troy Davis here in the U.S. -- and with each new uptick in struggle socialist politics become more and more relevant. The Midwest Marxism Conference will present activists from across the region with an opportunity to learn what Marxists say about race, class, and revolution, and to exchange experiences with others similarly engaged in the struggle for a better world. 

Schedule:
11:30AM-Noon Registration

Noon-12:30PM 
Why Marx was Right

12:45PM-2:15PM
No Power Greater: Marxism and the centrality of class
Where does racism come from?

2:15PM-3:15PM Lunch

3:15PM-4:45PM
The 1934 Minneapolis Teamsters strike: a case study in working-class power
The Black Freedom Struggle: from Martin to the Black Panthers

5PM-6:30PM
The changing working class and the future of the labor movement
Black Liberation and Socialism

7PM Dinner & Party

Readings to prepare for discussions:

Track One: WHY THE WORKING CLASS CAN CHANGE SOCIETY

No power greater: Marxism and the centrality of class:
Readings
Hal Draper: Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution: volume 2, The Politics of Social Classes, chapters 2-3
Additional readings

The Minneapolis Teamsters strike: a case study in working-class power:
Readings
Irving Bernstein, The Turbulent Years (Haymarket books),chapter 6, “Eruption” (read at least 217-252)
Additional readings
Farrell Dobbs, Teamster Rebellion

The changing working class and the future of the labor movement:
Readings
Additional readings

Track Two: BLACK LIBERATION

Where does racism come from?
Readings
Lance Selfa, The Roots of Racism
Additional Readings
Brian Kelly, “Materialism and the Persistence of Race in the Jim Crow South"

The Black Freedom Struggle from Martin to the Black Panthers:
Readings
Ahmed Shawki, Black Liberation and Socialism, Chapters 8-11

Black Liberation and Socialism:
Readings
Keeanga Taylor, Race, Class, and Marxism
Additional readings
Ahmed Shawki, Black Liberation and Socialism, Chapter 7, “Socialists, Communists, and Trotskyists”; Conclusion, “Black Liberation and Socialism”

Folks traveling to Chicago from out of town can touch base with our host committee to request housing for Friday and Saturday night by calling 773 236-1848, or by emailing chicagosocialists@gmail.com

* For the young comrades in need of childcare, please email chicagosocialists@gmail.com by October 22nd with the number of children, ages, and any special needs they might require.

 

Global Crisis and Revolt: Could There Be a Revolution in the US?

Three public ISO forums this week!

Global Crisis and Revolt: Could There Be a Revolution in the US?

Capitalism is in crisis. But everywhere, people are fighting back. From Egypt to Greece from London to Madison, people are joining in struggle to defend their lives, their rights, and their future. What will it take for our resistance to stop the crisis? What kind of an alternative do we need to fight for? Join the Chicago International Socialist Organization for a discussion of how we can deepen the struggle here in the U.S. and fight for a world based on genuine equality and justice.

Logan Square
Wednesday, September 28 · 7:00pm - 9:00pm
Grace United Methodist Church (3325 W Wrightwood Ave)

Pilsen
Thursday, September 29 · 7:00pm - 9:00pm
Casa Aztlan (1831 S. Racine Ave)

Rogers Park
Thursday, September 29 · 7:00pm - 9:00pm
Many Peoples Church (1507 W. Morse Ave)

Stop the murder of Troy Davis!

Nicole Colson reports on the state of Georgia's setting of an execution date for death row prisoner Troy Davis--and how activists are gearing up to stop it.

THE STATE of Georgia is attempting to execute an innocent man--again.

Troy Davis has come close to death three times before, but the signing of a new death warrant on September 6 means he could have less than two weeks left to live if Georgia officials get their way. Troy's legal appeals have been exhausted, so his last hope is the Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles, which is holding a clemency hearing on September 19.

Troy's case has long stood as one of the worst examples of the bias and flaws inherent in the death penalty system. He was convicted of murdering off-duty police officer Mark MacPhail in 1989, but there has long been compelling evidence of his innocence. Even so, Georgia officials are pushing to kill Troy--and have scheduled his execution for 7 p.m. on September 21.

In response, activists in the U.S. and around the globe are gearing up to send one message to Georgia officials: Don't allow an innocent man to be executed!

A coalition of anti-death penalty organizations has reportedly selected Friday, September 16 for a global day of action to support Troy. In Georgia's capital of Atlanta, Troy's supporters will gather at Woodruff Park downtown and march to the famous Ebenezer Baptist Church for a service at 7 p.m. Activists in other cities are planning demonstrations in solidarity, plus tablings and petitionings to put pressure on the pardons board.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

THE CASE against Troy Davis is built on sand.

He was convicted largely based on the testimony of eyewitnesses, but seven of the nine witnesses who testified against Troy at his original trial have since recanted, with several saying they were coerced by police into falsely identifying Troy as the man who shot MacPhail.

Witness Dorothy Ferrell, for example, signed an affidavit in 2000 admitting she had felt pressure from police to identify Troy as the killer because she was on parole at the time. "I don't know which of the guys did the shooting, because I didn't see that part," she said in her statement. Of the two witnesses who haven't recanted, one is Sylvester "Red" Coles--the man who has since been identified by several witnesses as the actual shooter.

Likewise, no murder weapon was ever uncovered, nor was there ever any physical evidence connecting Troy to the shooting.

The courts, however, have continually refused to consider this compelling evidence. Last year, in a review ordered by the U.S. Supreme Court, U.S. District Judge William T. Moore Jr. claimed that a reasonable jury would still find Troy Davis guilty today. Moore dismissed the testimony of witnesses who said that they lied when they originally identified Troy as the shooter as "smoke and mirrors."

But the real "smoke and mirrors" is the state's claim that executing Troy Davis has anything to do with "justice."

As Marlene Martin, national director of the Campaign to End the Death Penalty, said:

The case against Troy has fallen apart--nearly all of the witnesses have recanted their original testimony, no DNA connects him to the crime, and another man has admitted to committing the crime, according to several witnesses. At the very least, Troy should have been granted a new trial. But instead, we see the state of Georgia is set to kill him.

What is the definition of cold-blooded murder? I would have to say this is it.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

THIS IS the fourth time since 2007 that state officials have scheduled Troy's execution. In the past, the courts have stepped in--sometimes at the last minute--to stay the order. In March of this year, however, the Supreme Court refused to hear Troy's appeal of Moore's decision, opening the door to this latest execution order and clearing some of the last legal hurdles for the state on its mission to kill Troy.

As Troy's sister and advocate Martina Correia told SocialistWorker.org earlier this year when the Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal of Moore's ruling [1]:

I cannot imagine facing three execution dates and the possibility of a fourth...In this fight, Troy is no longer voiceless and my family is no longer invisible, yet the court still refuses to hear what we have to say. Innocence does matter and beyond a reasonable doubt should be of utmost.

One thing for certain is that the global concern about this case is growing and yet the highest court in the United States is not willing to address the issue of innocence and new evidence. We live in country that is supposed to promote democracy and human rights for other countries, yet it is not unconstitutional for us to execute innocent people in the U.S. if the courts feel they received a fair trial...

No matter the final outcome of this case, my war against the death penalty is far from over. I will no longer be a victimized by this system in the United States, where justice depends on your ability to pay for it.

A clemency hearing before the Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles has been set for September 19, but activists can't wait for the board to do the right thing. Every day between today and the date of Troy's scheduled execution is a day to organize to stop the killing of an innocent man. As Martina Correia told Atlanta's WSAV News on Wednesday:

I'm very disappointed in Georgia, because there's still doubt, but I'm holding the parole board to their standard that when there's doubt that they won't execute...We believe in Troy's innocence, and we're going to fight to prove that until the very end--and no matter what the outcome when we get the clemency hearing, we're still going to fight until we clear Troy's name.

The death penalty represents the worst aspects of a "justice" system that is fundamentally biased against minorities and the poor, where actual innocence matters less than scoring easy convictions. As Marlene Martin said:

Troy's case, like so many others on death row, has everything to do with race and class. When I asked Troy if he thought he would have gotten the death penalty had he been the son of a white senator, he said that not only would he not have been sentenced to death, he never would have been arrested in the first place.

This fight to save Troy is going to be tough, but we can do it. Kenneth Foster Jr. won a commutation from Texas Gov. Rick Perry in 2007, not because the governor felt anything toward Kenny, but because of the grassroots fight that Kenny's family and activists built to push his case into the forefront of the news.

Troy's case has a much broader level of support, both nationally and internationally, and that means these next two weeks will be critical in mobilizing actions that can pressure the parole board to do the right thing and grant Troy clemency.

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =
What you can do

Troy Davis needs your help--today more than ever before.

Come to Atlanta for a demonstration on the Global Day of Solidarity for Troy--supporters will meet at Woodruff Park downtown at 6 p.m. Or organize an action in your own city--find out what's going on locally at the Campaign to End the Death Penalty [2] website.

Get everyone you can to contact the Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles and voice their support for Troy. Call 404-656-5651, e-mail webmaster@pap.state.ga.us [3] and fax 404-651-8502.

Devote time at a meeting of your union or organization to spread the word about Troy and get people to show their support. Consider whether you and fellow activists can hold a speakout for Troy--and try to write an article for your school newspaper or church bulletin, and contact local radio stations and other news outlets to urge them to cover this case.

Hold a petitioning event in your community for Troy. Think through meetings, events, church services, farmers' markets, bus stops, busy intersections, etc., that might be good places to collect signatures for Troy. Fact sheets, petitions, and clemency letters are available at the CEDP [4] website.

Racism, Poverty, and Police Brutality: Could Riots Happen in the U.S.?

Public Forum
Thursday • August 25th • 7-9pm
Many Peoples Church
1507 W. Morse Ave

The riots that took place in Britain last week left the media and politicians scrambling for an explanation for the massive social unrest. Of course, incredible social inequality, racism, and police brutality lie at the root of the rebellion.

These are the very same problems that sparked riots in this country 40 years ago, when people took to the streets of Detroit, Watts, and even Washington DC to express their outrage.

But, what about the United States today? Could riots happen here again? Keeanga Yamahtta-Taylor will look at the reasons for these rebellions and what they mean for people interested in a world free of racism.

Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor is on the editorial board of the International Socialist Review. She is a frequent contributor on the subject of race and class and has written extensively on the struggle for housing justice. Her articles have also appeared on the Black Commentator, CounterPunch and Gaper's Block Web sites.

UNITE & FIGHT - the marxist strategy for fighting oppression

Millions of people around the world continue to fight the dehumanizing and brutal experiences of oppression because of their race, gender, sexuality, nationality, or any number of ways that people are divided.
But this oppression has not always been with us – and a world free of oppression is possible. This public discussion will look at the roots of oppression, who continues to benefit from it, and how we can fight back.

Public Forums:
3 locations in Chicago: Logan Square, Pilsen, and Rogers Park

Wednesday • August 10th • 7pm
Logan Square • Grace United Methodist Church
(3325 W. Wrightwood Ave)

Thursday • August 11th • 7pm
Pilsen • Casa Aztlán
(1831 S. Racine Ave)

Thursday • August 11th • 7pm
Rogers Park •Many People’s Church
(1507 W. Morse Ave)

Where Socialism Was in the Air

from Socialist Worker online

Nicole Colson reports from Chicago on the Socialism 2011 conference--a gathering of important left voices and activists from both the U.S. and around the globe.

Socialism 2011 participants join in a final rally to cheer the struggles unfolding around the world (Jeff Boyette | SW)Socialism 2011 participants join in a final rally to cheer the struggles unfolding around the world (Jeff Boyette | SW)

MORE THAN 1,300 socialists and activists from across the U.S. and around the globe turned out in Chicago June 1-4 for "Socialism 2011: Revolution in the Air," sponsored by the Center for Economic Research and Social Change and cosponsored by the International Socialist Organization.

The conference is the largest annual gathering of socialists in the U.S.--this year's was the largest single conference in the more than two decades that it has been held. Multiracial and multi-generational, participants expressed new optimism about fighting for a better world, especially after the inspiring revolutions and rebellions in the Middle East, and the mass workers' protests in Madison, Wis.

As he began his discussion of "Civil Liberties Under Obama," Salon.com columnist Glenn Greenwald told the crowd:

I speak at a lot of events these days, a lot of college campuses and conferences and the like, and this is definitely the most--what's the word?...energetic gathering that I've ever been at.

It's interesting, a lot of times, that if people gather for the purpose of engaging in systemic critiques of political systems and political power and the like, this sort of gloominess sets in--I'm sure you're familiar with it and have encountered it--that's grounded in this defeatism...

The exact opposite energy has been really palpable at this conference. Not just this commitment to talking about the need for change, but a real belief in the possibility for it. It's really encouraging and inspiring to be around a gathering of so many people from so many different age groups and backgrounds who really are committed to that vision.

Phil Smith, an ISO member in Denton, Texas, was at his first Socialism conference. "I thought it was excellent," he said, "I live in a very conservative state and, by necessity, [left-wing activists are] very close in Texas. It's really great to come up to Chicago and have people from all over the country. You don't even know these people, and you're instantly just as close-knit. I've never experienced anything like this."

Smith said one of the best meetings he attended was SocialistWorker.org columnist Sherry Wolf speaking on "The Myths of Zionism." "The energy in the room was really fantastic," he said. "Everyone in the room was for [Palestinian liberation], and it was interesting being in a room with 80 people totally down for Palestine. A room of atheists, Jews, Muslims."

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

THERE WERE more than 120 talks throughout the weekend on topics ranging from the Marxist theory of the state, to the need for a new abortion rights movement, to the uprisings in the Middle East.

Talks by Electronic Intifada founder Ali Abunimah and Omar Barghouti, a founder of the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel, were packed with Palestinian rights activists talking about their attempts to promote the boycott, divestment, sanctions (BDS) campaign.

Meanwhile, at a meeting on "Abortion Without Apology: The Case for a New Movement," a packed room of activists from across the U.S. spoke not just of the need for a new women's rights movement, but of what they are doing now to make it happen.

Lyndie Ngobeni, a member of the ISO from Boston who also was attending the conference for the first time, said, "It was awesome to see just how many people there were attending. I've been at UMass-Boston organizing, and to actually see this on a bigger scale puts things in perspective--what you're building for when you're doing something on your campus, and what it's part of in the larger sense.

Mark Clements, an organizer with the Campaign to End the Death Penalty and former prisoner who served 28 years behind bars for a crime he didn't commit, said, "It was an exciting opportunity to allow people to grow." He spoke along with Leela Yellesetty on "Challenging the New Jim Crow."

Clements added: "That's what activism is all about, teaching people about what needs to be confronted. We're dealing with so many different issues--from housing, to discrimination of rights, down to juveniles being mistreated by our criminal justice system. I think that [the conference] was dynamite. I'm waiting on next year already."

Dr. John Carlos--the 1968 Olympic medalist who, along with Tommy Smith, raised the Black Power salute at the Mexico City Games--also spoke at Socialism. "To come back to the Socialism conference is fantastic--to see so many young, enthusiastic people trying to make it a better society for all people and have no fear for who the enemy may be," he said. "They are trying to make what's wrong right."

Carlos spoke alongside Nation sportswriter Dave Zirin, on "Sports and Resistance," and he also premiered his book The John Carlos Story, cowritten with Zirin. As Carlos said, "For me to come back and have an opportunity to convey some of my thoughts and feelings, and some of my history and my experiences, it's a wonderful feeling.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

SOME OF the most inspiring moments of the weekend came from activists from the Middle East who have witnessed firsthand the power of ordinary people to change the world.

"We are at a moment now where we see the utter bankruptcy of the political system in this country as a vehicle for progressive change on any issue," Ali Abunimah told a packed plenary session of more than 1,000 people. "If we want this change to happen, we're going to have to go out and do it ourselves, just like they're doing it in Egypt."

Mostafa Omar, an activist living in Cairo, spoke of the importance of bringing together activists from various struggles not only around the U.S., but across the globe:

The thing that I really got from the conference is that there are so many socialists and activists involved in a wide variety of struggles--many, many struggles all around this country. If you look at them from the inside, they might look small. But if you look at the bigger picture, these struggles are incredibly important, whether they win or lose. Every single struggle in the United States really is a stepping stone towards developing consciousness and organization.

The other thing that I noticed is the tremendous amount of commitment from those socialists and activists on a daily basis. A commitment, not only to fight those small struggles, but to prepare for a bigger battle to change the whole system. We've also had many, many small struggles in Egypt--and sometimes, people didn't know where these struggles would go. But ultimately, every single struggle they fought over the years made a difference in January and February 2011.

These are lessons that activists in the U.S. are learning as well. At the weekend's final plenary session, Sam Jordan, a long-time member of the ISO in Madison, Wis., spoke about the battle over workers' rights in Wisconsin:

We're at a point where we can see the day when...we can cast aside the parasites who exploit us every day. There's a real possibility to build a socialist movement in the United States, capable of ushering in a society that is organized to meet human need, not corporate greed.

Recordings from many of the conference talks will be available at WeAreMany.org.

Fight for a world without sexism! The socialist case for gender equality

Fight for a World Without Sexism!
The Socialist Case for Gender Equality

Today's sexism—from widespread violence and degrading ideas to inequality at the workplace and unpaid labor at home—reaches into every corner of our lives. But sexism has not always existed. Women's oppression stems from the nature of our deeply unequal society, and a system that needs to divide and conquer in order to survive.

And people of all genders are fighting back! Grassroots mobilizations against sexual assault, victim-blaming and attacks on our reproductive rights are providing a glimpse of the potential to build a new movement for women's rights. From Egypt to Yemen to Madrid, women are demanding a place at the forefront of struggles for democracy and economic justice.

Come join us for a discussion of how to carry these struggles forward and challenge the capitalist system as a whole—to win a world based on genuine equality and true democracy, run from the bottom up.

Wednesday, June 8th @ 7pm • Grace United Methodist Church
(3325 W. Wrightwood Ave. in Logan Square)

Thursday, June 9th @ 7pm • Many People's Church
(1507 W. Morse Ave. in Rogers Park)

Thursday, June 9th @ 7pm • Casa Aztlán
(1831 S. Racine Ave. in Pilsen)

Revolution in the Air - two community forums

Revolution is in the air - the epic revolutions spreading throughout North Africa and the Middle East have shown that masses of ordinary people can take control over their own lives. And the heroic struggle of Wisconsin workers to defend their unions have inspired people across the country to fight for their own rights.

We need an alternative to the current system of austerity, war, and profiteering - an alternative based on the interests of working people instead of Wall Street. Come to this public forum & get involved with the socialist movement!

two community forums:

Thursday, May 19th @ 7pm
Caza Aztlan - 1831 South Racine Ave in Pilsen
RSVP on facebook

Thursday, May 26th @ 7pm
Many People's Church - 1507 W. Morse Ave in Rogers Park
RSVP on facebook

Rogers Park branch mtg - Thursday 5/12

Rogers Park Branch Meeting
Thursday, 5/12, 7pm-9pm
1507 W Morse (Neighbors United for New Possibilities storefront)

Our branch meeting this week will be a discussion of the developments in Egypt since the fall of Mubarak, including the emergence of independent trade unions and workers parties, and the continued crackdown on democratic movements by the military. Below are a series of short articles for some background on the situation. This should be a great conversation!

Proposed agenda for the branch meeting:
* Permanent Revolution in Egypt (readings below) - 60 mins
* Socialism 2011 conference update - 15 mins
* Revolution in the Air public meeting 5/26 - 15 mins

Egypt's Spreading Strikes, Socialist Worker, February 18

Labor Activists Organize Despite Legal Hurdles, [on the WDP], Almasryalyoum, April 15,

In Egypt, Revolution Moves into the Factories, NPR, April 20

Workers struggle against bureaucracy to create new unions, Almasryalyoum, April 29,

Empowering Egypt's Workers Revolution [on the WDP], Al Jazeera, April 25,

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